As an amateur blogger, grappling with various projects, I've encountered a moment that compels me to shift focus towards a topic that resonates deeply with my historical interests: the intricate tapestry of symbols purposefully erased by the Palestinian narrative. This exploration is not a detour from my usual subjects but an essential journey into understanding the complexities of historical narratives and symbols often overlooked in contemporary discussions.

Hopefully I’ll find time to add to this post and add relevant questions to my Pali Quiz project. [Note, I have covered the PLO keffiyeh before on my main blog]

Emblem of the Arab Liberation Army

One of the earliest symbols associated with the movement for Palestinian nationalism is the emblem of the Arab Liberation Army. This emblem, featuring a knife stabbing the Star of David, predates the formation of the Palestine Liberation Army in 1964 and the widespread adoption of the Palestinian identity in the latter part of the 20th century. The emblem's imagery, steeped in the conflicts of its time, serves as a stark reminder of the violent struggle that characterizes the movement.

That is a fancy way of saying, Palestinian culture is rooted in aspirations of Jewish genocide. We know this from historic quotes as well as other primary resources. Again, this emblem depicts a knife stabbing a Star of David, the symbol for Jews. It’s a new practice to insist on calling Jews “Zionists,” in order to diminish the impact of calling for their genocide. The Arab Liberation Army and other Salafists of the 1940s were honest about their Jew-focus, much like today’s H@mas and Islamic Jihad leaders.

Could you imagine if any other army had an emblem depicting a knife going through a religious symbol, such as a Christian Cross or a Muslim Star and Crescent? It is only with Palestine that symbology framing a violent, intolerant motivation is swept under the… carpet.

As a bonus, look into “The Unit of Minorities.” The Unit of Minorities consisted of Druzim, aka other indigenous people to Levant, who defected from this wildly bigotted, N@zi loving, Arab Liberation Army. This group fought for coexistence and should be celebrated for it. In the current war, Druzim continue to be amazing allies to this country, fully aware of the real history behind this region.

Flag of the Ba’ath Party

The flag of the Ba’ath Party introduces another layer to the conversation about the Palestinian narrative. This flag is a hint to “Free Palestine” being the latest devolution of racist pan-Arabist ideology. While some Palestine supporters do admit that their flag comes from the “flag of the Arab Revolt,” seldom do we hear about the direct ties to Ba’athism, Syria, and the Syrian “Free Palestine Movement.”

It’s clear why seperating Palestine from it’s Syrian origins is critical. Modern Palestine supporting rhetoric imagines a distinct Palestinian culture and state. Reality shows that the PA and H@mas charters never call for a state, and rather pledge allegiance to the greater Arab world, much like Ba’athists. To recognize that Syria’s ruling party uses the exact same flag as Palestine supporters, and that the flag is associated with Syrian Civil War, reveals that Palestine is not unique. As soon as someone looks into Ba’athism in Syria and Iraq, especially Assad’s role in civil war, it is clear this identity has been devestating to a once prosperous region..

It’s worth noting that the concept of the “Flags of Arab Revolt” stem directly from a British colonist, Mark Sykes, known for the infamous Sykes-Picot Agreement. The Flag of Arab Revolt, alongside all of its bastard children, contain forgotten symbols. Red refers to the Hashemite Dynasty (Saudis who today rule Jordan), black for the Abbasid Empire, green for the Rashiddun Empire, white for the Umayyad Empire. Combining these symbols in different order does not point to a unique culture or indigeneity.

Jordan is not the only country with a near identical flag to the Ba’ath Party. Western Sahara has an identical flag, with a red star and crescent in the center stripe. The Benishangul-Gumuz of Ethiopia and Sudan also share this flag. For comparison, in the Benishangul-Gumuz conflict, Islamist colonists also refer to the non-Muslim population as “settlers,” despite the so called settlers having a longer history in the region. It seems that “Free Benishangul-Gumuz” is not as catchy of a slogan as “Free Palestine.”

Note: Contact RootsMetal for more info on this history. I’m not a flag expert!

Coptic Cross

Turning our attention to the Coptic Cross, we are reminded of the diverse cultural and religious landscapes that have shaped the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. The history of the Copts in Egypt exemplifies the rich tapestry of communities that predate the advent of Islam and Arab rule in the region. The erasure of Coptic history highlights a broader pattern of diminishing indigenous and minority histories in the narrative of Arab and Islamic hegemony.

Khalid Hassan, an Egyptian freelance journalist (Twitter: @khalidfoaud), spoke to the erasure of Coptic history in Egypt as a catalyst for revising his world views. Khalid Hassan realized the damage that the Muslim Brotherhood inflicted on Egypt, which, like Lebanon, once had a Christian majority. Likewise, many intelligent people in Iran speak to the erasure of Persian, Kurdish and other history as their catalyst for rejecting anti-Zionist rhetoric and conspiracy.

By exploring the significance of the Coptic Cross, we open a window into the complex history of religious and cultural coexistence in MENA. It serves as a call to acknowledge and preserve the diverse histories that contribute to the richness of the MENA region's heritage. A Facebook page for Assyrian pride points to rich Assyrian (occupied by Iraq, Syria, Turkey, Iran), Babylonian (occupied by Iraq), Armenian (occupied by Turkey and still undergoing threat by Aizerbaijan), Greek/Roman (occupied by Turkey), Persian (now Iran), Kurd (occupied by Turkey, Iran, Iraq; identity is disputed by Assyrians), Phoenician (occuiped by Lebanon, Syria), Kemet and Copt (occupied by Egypt, Sudan, Libya) cultures. These forgotten cultures are distinct. They define themselves on long standing traditions, not hate for their neighbor.

This exploration into forgotten symbols is not just an academic exercise but a prompt for deeper reflection on the narratives that shape our understanding of history and identity. By engaging with these symbols, we are invited to consider the multifaceted realities of historical narratives and the power of symbols in shaping collective memory and identity.

I could have just as easily shared the original “Palestine Flag” from the 1920s, featuring a large Star of David. However, I’m well aware that there is confusion over the origins of Palestine as an identity. As someone who never wishes to hear the ludicrous lie about modern “Palestinian Jews” again, I skipped this.

For further insights into the history of these symbols and their impact on contemporary discussions, I encourage dialogue and further research. Engaging with history in its full complexity allows for a more nuanced understanding of the present and a more informed approach to shaping our collective future.

I will once again pray that supporters of Arab refugees come up with an identity better than “Palestine.” These people deserve to know their true roots, rather than 20th century, Judeophobic garbage.